http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/TheSiegeWithin/entry/why-is-syed-shahabuddin-writing-to-modi
One swallow, famously, does not make a summer, but when an ideological bird peeps out from the bush, it is time to check the thermometer for possible signs of climate change. Nor was this bird plumed in saffron. When more than three decades ago Syed Shahabuddin left a commendable career in the Indian Foreign Service to enter politics, he chose an attire in Islamic green. That hue has not changed. So when he writes a letter to Narendra Modi, the one contemporary politician Muslims love to hate, it is news.
Which is more relevant: the letter, or the controversy that ensued? No-brainer. Protest is a familiar story; the communication is new. In any case, the "clarification" that Shahabuddin issued was about the letterhead, not the letter. He merely acknowledged that he should not have used institutional notepaper; he did not deny the contents.
What did he say? "Muslim voters see some signs of change in your attitude," Shahabuddin wrote to Modi, noting the special attention that Modi had been paying to Muslim voters on the eve of the Gujarat assembly polls. Then followed a 10-point demarche demanding apology, compensation and justice as the last mile towards absolution.
Two significant points emerge. A recognised leader from the radical spectrum of Indian Muslim politics has publicly accepted, for the first time, that Modi is stretching a hand towards Muslims instead of giving them the finger. The demarche confirms that as far as Shahabuddin is concerned the relationship with Modi has moved from non-negotiable to negotiable.
Sir James Bevan, the British high commissioner who called on Modi in October to signal a truce after a decade of hostility, should be pleased. This is precisely what he was trying to suggest.
Why is Modi's reach slowly seeping into demographic regions once considered beyond the pale? He has three assets that cut across traditional political parameters. He is synonymous with decisive governance at a time when people are tired of dither and confusion. Indian voters want soft power in Bollywood, not Delhi. (If Mrs Indira Gandhi were seeking re-election today, she would win 400 seats.) Second, Modi is not tainted by accusations of personal corruption despite his excellent working equation with industrialists. Third, the young believe that he will give them jobs. Shahabuddin ends his letter with mention of development, education and employment for Muslims.
Why is he writing to Modi about employment rather than to Dr Manmohan Singh? Muslims helped elect Dr Singh, not Modi. But they have waited eight years for Congress to deliver on jobs and got nothing apart from that meaningless promise of reservations which was such a staple of election speeches written for Rahul Gandhi during this year's UP campaign. The percentage of Muslims employed by the Gujarat government, in contrast, is close to the population share of the community in the state. There are, in addition, private sector jobs to choose from. Gujarat also has more Muslim constables in police stations than any other state. This is the kind of decision which boosts confidence; and no one needs reassurance more than Muslims in Gujarat who went through hell ten years ago.
Were it not for those riots, Shahabuddin just might have urged Muslims to vote for Modi by this time. The riots remain Modi's Achilles' heel, and he recognises this dangerous vulnerability. India wants a leader who can deliver jobs, price stability and 10% growth, but none of these is possible without social peace. As long as Modi cannot convince Muslims that they will be safe under his watch, he will only be a claimant to the throne, not an occupant. His task is set.
Is it impossible? Congress ruled Delhi in 1984 when police looked the other way while around 5,000 Sikhs were massacred by mobs in the capital. The count across the country was much higher. Congress leaders who led the mobs and held back the police were rewarded with high office, which continues to this day; and Delhi's magnificent police still cannot frame a convincing case to send Sajjan Kumar to jail. In comparison, the judicial process in Gujarat has sent some of the guilty to prison. But Sikhs have moved on.
As the proverb about the swallow indicates, nature is a cycle of seasons. Political nature is seasonal as well. In 1992, 20 years ago this week, Muslim anger soared when Congress slept while the Babri mosque was being demolished, and snored through the subsequent riots. In 2004, Muslims mobilised to ensure a Congress victory; and gave it a second chance in 2009. Today's mood seems more reminiscent of 1967, when Muslims spurned Congress and shifted to third parties even though there was no clear alternative anchor.
Any thaw demands the sunshine of spring. There is certainly a spring in Modi's step, but he needs much more warmth to melt the Muslim mood.
02 December 2012,
One swallow, famously, does not make a summer, but when an ideological bird peeps out from the bush, it is time to check the thermometer for possible signs of climate change. Nor was this bird plumed in saffron. When more than three decades ago Syed Shahabuddin left a commendable career in the Indian Foreign Service to enter politics, he chose an attire in Islamic green. That hue has not changed. So when he writes a letter to Narendra Modi, the one contemporary politician Muslims love to hate, it is news.
Which is more relevant: the letter, or the controversy that ensued? No-brainer. Protest is a familiar story; the communication is new. In any case, the "clarification" that Shahabuddin issued was about the letterhead, not the letter. He merely acknowledged that he should not have used institutional notepaper; he did not deny the contents.
What did he say? "Muslim voters see some signs of change in your attitude," Shahabuddin wrote to Modi, noting the special attention that Modi had been paying to Muslim voters on the eve of the Gujarat assembly polls. Then followed a 10-point demarche demanding apology, compensation and justice as the last mile towards absolution.
Two significant points emerge. A recognised leader from the radical spectrum of Indian Muslim politics has publicly accepted, for the first time, that Modi is stretching a hand towards Muslims instead of giving them the finger. The demarche confirms that as far as Shahabuddin is concerned the relationship with Modi has moved from non-negotiable to negotiable.
Sir James Bevan, the British high commissioner who called on Modi in October to signal a truce after a decade of hostility, should be pleased. This is precisely what he was trying to suggest.
Why is Modi's reach slowly seeping into demographic regions once considered beyond the pale? He has three assets that cut across traditional political parameters. He is synonymous with decisive governance at a time when people are tired of dither and confusion. Indian voters want soft power in Bollywood, not Delhi. (If Mrs Indira Gandhi were seeking re-election today, she would win 400 seats.) Second, Modi is not tainted by accusations of personal corruption despite his excellent working equation with industrialists. Third, the young believe that he will give them jobs. Shahabuddin ends his letter with mention of development, education and employment for Muslims.
Why is he writing to Modi about employment rather than to Dr Manmohan Singh? Muslims helped elect Dr Singh, not Modi. But they have waited eight years for Congress to deliver on jobs and got nothing apart from that meaningless promise of reservations which was such a staple of election speeches written for Rahul Gandhi during this year's UP campaign. The percentage of Muslims employed by the Gujarat government, in contrast, is close to the population share of the community in the state. There are, in addition, private sector jobs to choose from. Gujarat also has more Muslim constables in police stations than any other state. This is the kind of decision which boosts confidence; and no one needs reassurance more than Muslims in Gujarat who went through hell ten years ago.
Were it not for those riots, Shahabuddin just might have urged Muslims to vote for Modi by this time. The riots remain Modi's Achilles' heel, and he recognises this dangerous vulnerability. India wants a leader who can deliver jobs, price stability and 10% growth, but none of these is possible without social peace. As long as Modi cannot convince Muslims that they will be safe under his watch, he will only be a claimant to the throne, not an occupant. His task is set.
Is it impossible? Congress ruled Delhi in 1984 when police looked the other way while around 5,000 Sikhs were massacred by mobs in the capital. The count across the country was much higher. Congress leaders who led the mobs and held back the police were rewarded with high office, which continues to this day; and Delhi's magnificent police still cannot frame a convincing case to send Sajjan Kumar to jail. In comparison, the judicial process in Gujarat has sent some of the guilty to prison. But Sikhs have moved on.
As the proverb about the swallow indicates, nature is a cycle of seasons. Political nature is seasonal as well. In 1992, 20 years ago this week, Muslim anger soared when Congress slept while the Babri mosque was being demolished, and snored through the subsequent riots. In 2004, Muslims mobilised to ensure a Congress victory; and gave it a second chance in 2009. Today's mood seems more reminiscent of 1967, when Muslims spurned Congress and shifted to third parties even though there was no clear alternative anchor.
Any thaw demands the sunshine of spring. There is certainly a spring in Modi's step, but he needs much more warmth to melt the Muslim mood.
Why is Syed Shahabuddin writing to Modi?
MJ Akbar02 December 2012,
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